Lessons From Somaliland

Posted on September 5, 2010


Originally published in GlobalPost:

BUNGOMA, Kenya — These days, Somalia is known for two things: its pirates and its Islamic militants. When Al Shabaab, the extremist Islamic insurgents based in southern Somalia, claimed responsibility for the July bombings that killed 78 people in Kampala, international concern over the problem of Somalia spiked.

Somalia’s transitional federal government hangs on by a thread in Mogadishu. Despite several years of international support, including an African Union peacekeeping force, its authority remains tenuous. The international community seems torn over what to do next. At the end of July, the African Union was poised to widen the mandate of the AU peacekeeping force, but was deterred after the United Nations opposed it. What might be a constructive way forward in Somalia?

Somaliland, a peaceful enclave in northern Somalia, offers some valuable lessons. The autonomous area is not recognized by the international community, but it recently held successful presidential elections that saw Dahir Riyale Kahin, the sitting president, hand over power to Ahmed Silanyo, a long-time opposition leader.

Somaliland is a small success story within the larger failed state of Somalia. To understand what might be possible in Somalia, it’s useful to examine the history of Somaliland.

In 1991, when the regime of Siad Barre collapsed, northern Somalia was left in disarray, much like southern Somalia. The area’s strongest political force was the Somali National Movement (SNM), which had been fighting against Barre’s government since the 1980s. The SNM declared Somaliland’s independence and created a transitional government that lasted until 1993.


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Somalilanders believed the SNM was only representative of one tribe and
wanted a more inclusive government. From 1991 to 1997, Somaliland held
more than 30 peace conferences. These conferences happened at the local,
district, and national levels and were largely funded by the local
business community. They used indigenous conflict resolution techniques
to build political institutions that were acceptable to the majority of
the population.

By 1997, Somaliland had a basic government structure — a presidency, a
judiciary and a bicameral legislature. The legislature had a house of
elected representatives, and a house of tribal elders, called the
Guurti. The Guurti was meant to provide a link between traditional
governance structures and the state structures of Somaliland.

In 2001, Somaliland ratified a constitution, and in 2003, it held
presidential elections that were decided by a margin of 214 votes. The
outcome was not contested.

Somalia experts such as Ken Menkhaus believe the formation of
Somaliland’s government was able to happen because it remained
unrecognized by the international community and thus ineligible for
foreign assistance. Since 1997, Somaliland’s annual budget is estimated
at $20 million to $40 million for a population of 2.5 million to 3.5
million. By comparison, Somalilanders receive at least $200 million a
year in remittances.

Running a government on a shoestring budget has drawbacks. The
government has focused its investment on maintaining security, not
economic development. Somalilanders remain poor. However, they are
better off than the rest of Somalia. Though development statistics are
extremely limited, available data shows modest improvements in health,
education and income indicators since 1991.
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